Yesterday at the Marquis de la Fayette’s, he told me, that he had received a Letter from Mr: Gerry, in which he was surprized to be informed that the French Chargé des Affaires had demanded Mr: Longchamps to be given up. This was unexpected to him, he said, as he had understood at Court that the Ministry were pretty well contented with the Sentence against Mr: Longchamps. He thought too that the Members of Congress, would be surprized, especially, as they probably received soon after the demand, Letters from him that the Ministers he thought would not press the Matter. I told him that I had received Information too, both from Mr Gerry and the minister of foreign Affairs to the same Effect.1 that possibly the French Ministry thought it necessary to make the demand and keep up the Claim as a Check upon the Kings own Subjects; although they might be Sensible of the improbability of the demands being complied with. He said this might be, and fully agreed with me, that as our Courts of Judicature had already taken Cognizance of the Cause, passed Sentence upon the Crime and carried that Sentence into Execution according to the Laws of the State, Congress could not with propriety now give him up, if indeed it were ever in any Case proper, without a Convention for that Purpose. We agreed farther in Opinion that it would be proper to say in the Answer to the Office, some handsome Thing to the Court and to give the Reasons for the Refusal in as soft Language as may be. I may add in a private Letter to you, that a complaisant answer, added to the Motive of restraining their own Subjects, may be all that is expected. It would not be proper for me to compromise the Marquis, by giving Official Information of this Conversation, although it is very proper to be communicated to some Member of Congress.

I met Mr: Hailes the British Chargé des Affaires Yesterday at Dinner, at a Noble House in the City, and fell designedly into Conversation with him upon the Subject of the Frontier Posts, in the Course of which I asked him, what could be the Reason of the delay to 52surrender those Posts? He said he could not pretend to say, precisely, but he had no doubt it was the private Interest of some Individual Officer, or Trader which had hitherto studied pretences and Excuses for delay: but that we might depend upon it, there were no Thoughts at Court or in the Nation, of holding those Posts. Mr: Pitt was a Man of the most perfect moral Character, and of the highest Sense of public, and private Honour, and would abhor every Idea of violating the national Faith— He asked if I did not think him a wonderfull young Man. I told him I did. that I had often seen with surprize his firmness and Coolness, his comprehensive knowledge of Business, and his perfect command of himself, qualities in which he had shewn himself superior to all his Rivals. that he seemed to be the Man for the Salvation of the Nation if it were yet in a salvable State: But that he did not yet appear to be sufficiently Sensible how large a share America must have in assisting him to save the Nation. That he would finally miss his object, and fail in all his great Projects if he did not place the intercourse with America upon a proper footing— He laughed and said it was very true, and as soon as we have settled with Ireland, says he, we will take you in hand, and settle with you upon honest and generous Terms, but it is dangerous attempting too many Things at once.2 I think it very silly, says he in our People, to hold those Posts, and it does no good, and I have written so, & will again.

This Letter will be delivered you, by my Son John Quincy Adams, who is going to Colledge and the Bar, where I beg Leave to solicit for him your kind Protection and Patronage.

With great regard. I have the Honour to be, Sir &c

I See by the publick Papers that Mr Hancock has resigned, and I Suppose you have just passed through the Bustle of a new Election. it is a question here among Us Americans Who? General Warren Mr 53Bowdoin Mr Cushing and General Lincoln are in nomination. But We cannot elect you know and therefore nobody Says who he would vote for. We all agree that there is danger of less Unanimity than in the last. I know so well the Influence of Boston that I believe it will be a Boston Man, but which of the two I know not.

But to something in which it is more proper for me to intermeddle. Temple your Friend is appointed Consul General, but whether he has yet embarked for N. York where I Suppose his Residence will be I know not. As much depends upon his Character and Conduct, both to Great Britain and America, it is a matter of Importance that he should be well advised, and I believe that no American has more regard for him than You have or more Influence with him. He is not without Knowledge in General and has had peculiar Opportunities for knowing the Commerce of America and has numerous Acquaintances, Some Friends and powerful Connections in America. I believe him to be in general a Well meaning Man, and if his Office depended upon a genteel Behaviour he would be very well qualified. But, he values himself much upon a Knowledge of Courts which he has not, and he looses himself too much in Ceremonies and Forms to be a great Master of Substance & Essence. He is not a prudent Man, and has the most confused Conceptions of the public Opinion and of the Reasonings upon which it is founded and of the real Springs and motives of Events of any Man of so much sense & Experience I ever saw.

Such a Character therefore in my Opinion if his Friends do not advise him, will be in danger of doing much Mischief to the publick altho he may be sure of making his own Career very short.— If he goes on with those Airs of Mystery, and suffers his own Conduct to be equivocal or liable to two Interpretations, if he enters into personal Disputes without a manifest necessity, or brings on needless questions with Congress or its Members, or the states or Governors, with French or Dutch or other foreign Consulls or Ministers, or subjects or Starts and presses too hastily, indiscreet Claims for his Master, he will soon destroy himself altho he may previously do great harm. He is now an Englishman, and a servant of his King. let him then make no Pretensions as an American, because they will not be admitted and will only expose him. He must proceed slowly Softly and smoothly. He must support the Rights of his Master and the English Nation, but he must allow the Rights of all others. He is now in the right Road. He was the servant of the King and should have always looked to him and him alone for Service unless he had 54renounced his Service more decidedly and engaged more clearly than he did against him.

My son will deliver you this.1 He has corresponded for sometime with yours at Lisbon and will give you the News of him.2 I have seen with Pleasure this Friendship forming, and hope there will be more formed in America between him and the sons of those Persons with whom I have passed my Life in Harmony, and acted in Concert for the Publick.

It is long Since I had a Letter from you, or Mrs Warren to whom I pray you to present my best Regards. Mrs Maccaulay and Mrs Warren I Suppose have compared Notes of the History of Liberty on both sides the Atlantic.3

By the last Letters from America, it appears probable that the Drs Resignation will be accepted; an Event which will make a great Change in our foreign Affairs.4 No Man that I know would be likely to conduct them better here than his successor Mr Jefferson

yours &c