Papers of John Adams, volume 14
Je Suis tres Sensible a la part que votre Exc: veut bien prendre a la revolution inopinée et honorable arrivée dans l'etat de mes affaires politiques: revolution cependant qui me donneroit plus de Satisfaction, Si les affaires de ma Patrie eussent pris, en meme 431tems, un tour plus favorable par rapport a la pacification avec la Grande Bretagne—mais une paix honteuse devoit étre la Suite necessaire de notre conduite durant la guerre.
J’ai eté charmé de faire la connaissance du Docteur Wheelock. Mais toutes les consultations avec mes amis me confirment dans l'opinion, que Son projet rencontrera de grands obstacles. Comme il ÿ a plusieurs entreprises d'un interet national qui languissent faute d'assistance je doute S’il Sera possible de persuader les Hollandois de prendre une part asséz considerable a un établissment, qui ne les concerne pas directement.
Il ÿ a passé les deux ans que me trouvant a Amsterdam, peu apres la fameuse affaire touchant les papiers de Mr. Laurens j'eus lhonneur de faire la connoissance de Mr. Searle, qui me fit voir un papier, dont je prens la liberté d'envoier cette copie a votre Excellence.1 Ce qui me frappa le plus fut le Catalogue d'un nombre de gens, qui Se Seroient declarés enclins a preter une Somme d'argent au Congress. J’en connoissois la plus grande partie et je Sçavois tres bien, qu'ils n’ÿ avoient jamais Songé, excepté, peut etre, le Seul Seigneur de Lathmer.2 Indigné de cette forgerie je pris la resolution d'etre, a l'avenir, plus reservé a accorder ma confiance; et je crus que le papier en question ne meritoit qu'un oubli dedaigneux: aussi n’ÿ ai je plus Songé, jusqu'a ce que, depuis quelques jours, cette piece de rebut commence a fournir de la matiere pour une affaire, laqu'elle, quoique particuliere et n'interessant aucunement le Public, peut, néammoins, m'interesser de bien pres, et me causer du desagrement.
Ce qui pourroit, cependant, contribuer beaucoup a contraminer le plan, que certaine personne Semble avoir formé, peut etre a l'instigation d'autres, pour me faire querelle et Se faire remarquer par cet éclat, ce Seroit quelque preuve: que cette piece a eté connue en Amerique, ou du moins parmi des Americains vers l'an 1780.
Votre Excellence m'obligeroit infiniment Si Elle vouloit avoir la bonté d'en parler a Messrs. Franklin, Laurens et autres Americains, et, en cas que cette piece, ce dont je ne doute, leur Soit connue, de me faire parvenir, le plustot possible, telles informations ou certificats, ne fut ce qu'en forme de Lettre, touchant icelle, que l'on Seroit en etat de donner. Il me Seroit de Beaucoup d'utilité Si quelque Americain en possedat, par hazard, une Copie, et qu'il voulut avoir la bonté de me la fournir avec un certificat touchant la façon d'ont elle Seroit parvenue dans Ses mains et du tems quand!
Votre Excell: m'e rendroit un grand Service, tandis que j'ai 432l'honneur de l'assurer, que ne Saisirai avec empressement toutes les occasions de Lui etre utile reciproquement, et que je Serai toujours avec le plus parfait devouement / de Votre Excellence / le tres humble et tres / obeïssant Serviteur
Oserois je prier votre Exc: de faire parvenir mes respects a Messrs. Franklin et Laurens?
Translation
I greatly appreciate the part taken by your excellency in the unexpected but honorable revolution that has come about in my political affairs. This revolution would be more satisfying had the affairs of my country at the same time taken a more favorable turn in relation to peace with Great Britain—but then, a shameful peace was the only possible consequence of our conduct during the war.
I was delighted to make the acquaintance of Dr. Wheelock. However, all the talks I have had with my friends confirm me in the opinion that his plan will encounter great obstacles. As there are several ventures of national importance currently languishing for want of assistance, I doubt it will be possible to persuade the Dutch to assume so considerable a part in an enterprise that does not directly concern them.
Two years ago, when I happened to be in Amsterdam after the famous business of Mr. Laurens’ papers, I had the honor of meeting Mr. Searle. He showed me a document, a copy of which I make so bold as to send on to your excellency.1 What struck me most was the catalogue of a number of people who declared themselves willing to lend money to Congress. I knew most of them and was quite aware that they had never even dreamed of such a thing—except, perhaps, for Lord Lathmer.2 Indignant at this fiction, I resolved to conduct myself with more reserve in future and believed that the paper in question deserved only a disdainful oblivion. I therefore forgot about it, until a few days ago, when this piece of rubbish began to furnish material for an affair that, although private and of no interest to the public, could nevertheless concern me closely and cause me some trouble.
In the meantime, the plan apparently formed by certain persons, perhaps at the instigation of others, to quarrel with me and thereby draw attention to themselves could be greatly undermined were there some measure of proof that this document was known in America, or at least by some Americans, around 1780.
I should be greatly obliged if your excellency would be so kind as to discuss this with Mr. Franklin, Mr. Laurens, and other Americans, and if this document—as I suspect—is known to them, to send to me as soon as possible any information or certificate to that effect, if only in the form of a letter, that they are able to transmit. It would be most helpful to me if some American happened to have a copy of the document and was kind enough 433to send it to me with a certificate explaining how it came into his hands and when!
Your excellency would thereby do me an enormous favor, while in return I am honored to assure you that I would seize every opportunity to be of use, and that I shall always be your excellency's most devoted, humble and obedient servant
May I ask your excellency to offer my respects to Mr. Franklin and Mr. Laurens?
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); internal address: “Son Excell: John Adams Esq:”; endorsed: “B. Vander Capellan / de Poll. 20. Ap. / ansd 27. 1783.”
Capellen would have met James Searle, Pennsylvania's agent to raise a loan in Europe, between April 1781, when Searle reached Amsterdam from Paris, and early Aug. 1781, when he sailed for America on the frigate South Carolina. The “fameuse affaire” involving Henry Laurens’ papers was Britain's use of Laurens’ captured papers, which included letters exchanged between Capellen and prominent Americans as well as, most importantly, a copy of the Lee-Neufville Treaty of 1778, to justify war with the Netherlands. The presentation of the documents to the States General resulted in political problems for Capellen, then perhaps the most prominent and visible supporter of the American cause, but resulted in the political banishment of Engelbert François van Berckel for his part in negotiating the treaty (vol. 9:453; 10:274, 307–308; 11:44, 286, 436; 12:26).
The enclosure consisted of two lists. The first, entitled “A Catalogue of a number of names in Holland with their reputed political characters,” included 68 names of individuals and mercantile houses. The second, “A Short Catalogue of Some Individuals in Holland who (among manÿ others) will lend moneÿ to the United States of N. America,” included 22 names followed by amounts in gilders they might be expected to invest. First on the list was Capellen's name, followed by the notation “about 12,000 more, having already 10,000 to the House of Horneca Fitzeau and Co. for the above purpose.” The reference to Horneca, Fizeaux & Co. was an allusion to the American Commissioners’ unsuccessful loan of 1778 (vol. 6:411–413). Capellen's name at the head of the list of prospective lenders does not in itself explain his concern, since his sympathy for the American cause was no secret. Rather, he likely feared that his being first might cause some to assume that he had indiscreetly supplied information about the willingness of the others, nine of whom were from his home province of Overijssel, to invest in an American loan in 1781. A year before Dutch recognition of the United States such willingness could have had serious political and economic consequences. If, however, the list was seen as a purely American invention, Capellen's problems would disappear.
A relative, “Capellen de Lathmer,” perhaps the person referred to in Capellen's letter of 16 Oct. 1780 (vol. 10:271–272).
st.April. 1783—1
Englishmen surely are possessed too much of the Spirit of Commerce, & are too perfect Masters of its maxims, to be informed that it goes all over the world, by land & Sea, in quest of proffit.— Every Cask of Rice or Indigo, of Tobacco or Flax-seed, of Wheat or Flour & every Cargo of naval Stores, which goes to Europe fm. America, will have written on it, “Detur digniori,”2 i:e: This Cask or Cargo is 434consigned to him who will give the best price & pay me in such things as will suit me best. And every American Merchant who comes to Europe will go to that nation, of whatever language or religion, wh: can furnish him with the Goods he likes best—at the cheapest rate—on the largest Credit, and will receive the pay in such things as he has or can acquire. Every lad of 19. in America knows this, tho’ Mr: Burke may be ignorant of it—
The English must submit, to become Rivals to the rest of Europe for American Commerce. I believe they have it in their power to draw the greatest part of our Commerce to themselves; but they must embrace the oppo: & use the means. The quality of Goods will not depend upon an Act of Parliament, tho’ the price may: But the facility of making Remitts: will greatly depend on the bill or Treaty. The principal point of British Policy is, as I conceive, to facilitate to the Americans the means of making Remitts: to British Merchants. America will, for a Century, be always in debt to Europe. They will never be able to get to Europe Produce, Cash, or Commodities of any kind, fast eno: to pay for the European produce & manufactures they will have occasion to consume. Yet their Trade will be advantageous too: But the advantage will lie in fresh improvements in Land, Houses & Stock at home.
If therefore America has a Manufacture that will sell in Europe, such as Hatts for example, it is prudent in England to let them be imported, because it facilitate to the American the means of paying his debt in England, & it draws the American Hats to England, to be there exchanged for British Manufactures, instead of being carried to other nations of Europe, who will be glad to receive & pay for them in their manufactures.— For the same reason it is policy in England to allow Americans to bring any kind of Commodities fm. any part of the Earth to Great Britain, because whatever is bro't there will be laid out there—and if we are restrained fm. carrying any thing we have—(no matter where we got it) to G: B:, we shall carry it to some other rival Nation.—3
Tell me wherein I am mistaken. I beleive it is not prudent to say much abt: this matter at present; because these Questions will all be discussed, betwn: Mr: Hartley & the American Ministers in a few days, & be decided— If not they will be left untill an American Minister, in London, or a British one in Philadelphia, shall be authorised to finish the business—
Yrs:—
LbC in Charles Storer's hand (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mr: Jennings—”; APM Reel 108.
This letter responds to Edmund Burke's position on Anglo-American trade as related by Jenings in his letter of 11 April, above. It is also JA's second communication to Jenings of this date. For the first, see the postscript to his letter of the 18 April, above.
Literally, let it be given to the more worthy, but JA provides his own appreciation of the expression.
This letter reads as if JA had Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations at his side while he wrote his rebuttal of Edmund Burke and all those in Parliament and the Fox-North coalition who shared his views on Anglo-American trade. However, while there is a copy of the 1778 second edition of Smith's work in JA's library at MB, there is no indication that he had yet read The Wealth of Nations, and there is no reference to it in any of his extant letters to date (
Catalogue of JA's Library
). JA's familiarity with Smith's concepts likely came from his reading of Thomas Pownall's A Memorial, Most Humbly Addressed to the Sovereigns of Europe, on the Present State of Affairs, Between the Old and New World, London, 1780. It is difficult to overstate the pervasive influence of The Wealth of Nations on Pownall's work. But JA did more than simply read Pownall's Memorial; he revised and published it as A Translation of the Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe upon the Present State of Affairs Between the Old and New World into Common Sense and Intelligible English, London, 1781. For the importance of Pownall's Memorial and JA's Translation in understanding JA's views of trade, foreign policy, and the place of the United States in the world, see vol. 9:157–220.