Papers of John Adams, volume 11
I have recieved your Excellency's Letter of the first of January, with 214the Commission and Instructions inclosed. I am very sensible of this fresh Instance of the Confidence of Congress, and shall do every thing in my Power to discharge the Duties of this new Trust; but I am obliged to say, that no Commission that ever was given required more Patience, Fortitude and Circumspection than this: virtues, which I much fear have not fallen in sufficient Quantities to my Share.
I have experienced since my Residence in this Republick, a great Change in the external Behaviour of several Persons of Rank, who upon my first arrival recieved me with distinction; but from the Moment of the publication of the Papers taken with Mr. Laurens1 have been afraid to see me. The Nation has indeed been in a violent fermentation and Crisis. It is divided in Sentiments. There are Stadthoudarians and Republicans: there are Proprietors in English Funds, and Persons immediately engaged in Commerce. There are Enthusiasts for Peace and Alliance with England, and there are Advocates for an Alliance with France, Spain and America, and there are a third Sort, who are for adhering in all things to Russia, Sweeden and Denmark. Some are for acknowledging American Independence, and entering into Treaties of Commerce and Alliance with her: others start at the Idea with Horror, as an everlasting Impediment to a Return to the Friendship and Alliance with England. Some will not augment the Navy without increasing the Army: others will let the Navy be neglected rather than augment the Army. In this perfect Chaos of Sentiments and Systems, Principles and Interests, it is no wonder there is a Languor, a Weakness and Irresolution that is vastly dangerous in the present Circumstances of Affairs. The danger lies not more in the hostile designs and exertions of the English, than from Seditions and Commotions among the People, which are every day dreaded and expected; if it were not for a standing Army and Troops posted about in several Cities, it is probable there would have been popular Tumults before now. But every body that I see appears to me to live in constant fear of Mobs, and in a great degree of uncertainty, whether they will rise in favour of War or against it: in favour of England or against it; in favour of the Prince, or of the City of Amsterdam; in favour of America or against it. I have ventured in the midst of these critical Circumstances, pressed as I am to get Money to discharge the Bills of Exchange which Congress have drawn and I have accepted, to open a Loan: but this is looked upon as a very hardy and dangerous measure; which nobody but an American would have risqued, and I am obliged to assure Congress, that People are as yet so much afraid of being pointed out by the Mob, 215or the Soldiery, as Favourers of this Loan, that I have no hopes at all of succeeding for several Months, if ever.
I have been advised to do nothing in Consequence of my Commission to the States at present, for fear of throwing before the People new Objects of division and dissention. I have however communicated to their high Mightinesses, and to the Ministers of Russia, Denmark, Sweeden and France the Resolution of Congress of the Fifth of October, relative to the principles of the neutral Confederation. The Memorial and Letters I have transmitted to Congress.2
Whenever I shall communicate to their high Mightinesses the full Powers of Congress, the Course will be this—they will lie long upon the Table—then taken ad referendum, that is sent to the several Provinces, Cities and Bodies of Nobles, who compose the Sovereignty, or as some say the Deputies of the Sovereignty: these will deliberate; and deliberate, and deliberate, and probable some will be for and some against making a Treaty, at least it is supposed that Zealand and one or two other Provinces will be against it. But in the mean time, there will be much Communication and Negotiation among Individuals at least, between this Country and Russia, Sweeden and Denmark upon the Subject; and if it is true, as I am informed in a Letter from Mr. Gerry,3 that a Minister is appointed to the Court of Petersbourg, as I hope it is, and that the same Minister, or some other is impowered to treat with Sweeden and Denmark, it is not impossible, I think it indeed probable, that We may succeed with these four Nations at once; for let me add, there is not in my apprehension the least prospect of a general Peace. England is at her old Game of Seduction and Division, and is labouring under the Pretence of employing the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia in Mediations for Peace, insidiously to embroil all Europe in the War.4 From Motives of Philanthropy, I hope She will not succeed, unless the same feelings of Humanity should prompt me to wish all Mankind at War with that Nation for her Humiliation, which is, at this time, if ever one was Hostis humani Generis.5
For the documents taken from Henry Laurens, most notably the Lee-Neufville treaty of 1778, and the British government's use of them, see JA's letter of 27 Oct. 1780 to the president of Congress, and note 3 (vol. 10:306–308).
These were JA's memorial to the States General of 8 March and his letters of the same date to Prince Gallitzin, Baron Ehrensvärd, M. de Mestral de Saint Saphorin, the Duc de La Vauguyon, Carel W. Visscher, and 216 Engelbert François van Berckel; for which see JA's letters of 8 March to C. W. F. Dumas, Prince Gallitzin, and the Duc de La Vauguyon and his memorial to the States General, all above. The PCC contain two sets of copies of these documents in John Thaxter's hand, but there is no indication when they arrived or with what letters to Congress they were enclosed (PCC, No. 84, III, f. 45, 49, 63, 67, 74, 76, 143; Misc. Papers, Reel No. 1, f. 257, 258, 260, 262, 264, 266).
Of 10 Jan., above.
This was JA's last commentary on the then current proposals to mediate the Anglo-Dutch and Anglo-French wars until his second letter of 16 May to the president of Congress, below. This two-month gap may reflect his view that peace was not going to be restored through mediation. It is interesting in view of the effect that the proposed Austro-Russian mediation of the Anglo-French war would have on his future diplomatic activities.
An enemy of the human race.
The inclosed Extracts, are of So much Importance, that I send them to you, for your opinion whether it is prudent to communicate them to the Russian Minister, or not.1
The Intelligence is such that I can make no official Communication. If you think it will do any good, and no harm or at least more good than harm, you may communicate it in Confidence to Friends.
Mr. Dana's Commission, which perhaps is to treat with any or all the northern Powers, is to come by Coll. Palfrey and Duplicates by young Coll. Laurens, as I conjecture.
I have read the Manifesto with Pleasure, because it is a reasonable and a manly Performance. It would have been better perhaps without the last Clause, which will be taken both by Freinds and Ennemies as a Sigh for Peace with England, but much may be Said in Excuse of it. I wish too they had left out their Disapprobation of Amsterdam. It was not necessary, and it never did their high mightinesses any honour, at least I venture to think so.2
The extracts refer to Francis Dana's appointment as minister plenipotentiary to Russia. The first was from Elbridge Gerry's letter of 10 Jan., above. The second extract was from James Lovell's letter of 6 Jan. to Dana, a copy of which Dana enclosed with his letter of 6 March to JA, above. Lovell wrote “I will prove to you in a private Way that I have much Esteem for you, and desire to promote your Reputation, in your Commission, either the old or the new.” The “old” commission was probably that of 20 June 1780, empowering Dana to act in JA's place if he could not undertake the negotiation of a Dutch loan (
JCC
, 17:537). Below the extracts, JA wrote, “My Letter came Via Cadiz, from Marble head. Mr. Danas, by a Lugger from Philadelphia to L'orient.”
In the final paragraph of the countermanifesto, the States General expressed their hope that Britain would soon return to its former moderate and equitable sentiments and their determination to effect a reconciliation with their former friend and ally when such 217should transpire. Earlier in the document the States General provided a lengthy explanation and defense of their actions with regard to the Lee-Neufville treaty of 1778, which centered on its disavowal of Amsterdam's action and its referral of the matter to the provincial courts of Holland (to the president of Congress, 18 March, calendared above).