Papers of John Adams, volume 7
We have received yours of the 27th of September,1 and approve of your Proceedings relative to the Cargo of the Therese, and if any Thing further is necessary for Us to do in that Business you will be so good as to advise Us.
We are of opinion that you should sign the Receipt to Mr. Williams, copy of which you transmitted Us, as far as the Words United States, inclusively—omitting all that follows.
If any Demands should arrise against Mr. Williams, in any of the offices or for any Articles of Reperation, which, by any Contracts he made while agent for the Commissioners, he ought to discharge, he will notify Us of it, and We shall take Care that Justice be done: But We apprehend it would not be convenient, to involve you in the Trouble of settling such Demands.
As to the Request of the Directeur of des Ferms, you are desired to give him, and send to Us, an Account of the Quantity of Tobacco delivered him: and leave the Price, which is settled by the Contract. However We desire you to let Us know the Customary Price of Tobacco at Markett at the Time when this was delivered.
Mr. Bondfield and Mr. Haywood, have made Us an offer of a Vessell upon Freight to America.2 We refer his Proposals to you and if you find his Proposals reasonable, you will please to contract with him for the freight of such Quantity of Effects belonging to the United States, as are now in Mr. Williams Hands or your own. You will first however receive them from Mr. Williams.
Almost certainly an inadvertance, for this letter is a reply to Schweighauser's of 26 Sept. (above).
No letter containing such an offer from John Bondfield or William Haywood has been found, perhaps because the Commissioners enclosed it in this letter, but see Bondfield to the Commissioners, 12 Nov. (below).
Your letter1 written a few days before your embarkation from
Many new events have happened in our military and political world since you left us which have opened a new system of thinking and acting among us. The Success of the army in extorting half pay for seven years from the Congress has led them to extend their Views to all the emoluments of a Standing Army.2 It is treason to oppose the Scheme in a company of Officers—many of our citizens defend it—and the idea once so horrid in the ears of an American is tollerated even among our rulers. The great Object of our Affection now is Independance—the only Objects of our fears and resentments are British commissioners now too contemptible to excite Anger. We have forgotten that we drew the Sword in defence of freedom, and we have not a single suspicion that the destruction of our republics can originate only from causes within ourselves.
The Eastern States will retain their republican Spirit. But Alas! there is a degeneracy even among them of republican virtue and manners. But the States to the westward of Hudson's river are nearly as aristocratical and monarchical as they were seven years ago. We hear as much of honor among them, as you do at the court of France. We even advertise Accounts of Duels. It is true we hate our late Sovereign on the British throne, but we have substituted an idol in the room of him from whom and we desire all the blessings of our present glorious revolution from his Arm Alone. We say in contempt of the very genius of republicanism, which supposes as many Servants of the public as there are freemen, that no man but our Commander in chief could have kept our Army together, and that his fall would be the extinction of our liberty. We have lost but few men in battle, and yet every campaign has wasted an Army for us. You know already my 164Opinion of the cause of the misfortunes which have befallen our troops, and that I have always ascribed them to Other sources than the negligence of Officers, or the Wickedness of Commissaries and Quarter masters General.
Charecters appear in One age, and are only to be known in Another. General CONWAY who was the nerves—MIFFLIN who was the Spirit—and LEE who was the Soul of our Army have all been banished from Head Quarters. The last has been most unjustly condemned by a Court Martial for saving our Army at Monmouth on the 28 of last June.3 Genl. Washington was his accuser.4 The congress I beleive disapprove of the Sentence, but are so much Afraid of the workmanship of their own hands that they are afraid to reverse it. I blush for my Country when I tell you that several members of congress leave the house when the Affair is bro't on the carpet.
Adieu—my dear friend. Cease not to love, and serve our dear country. I expect (to speak in the puritanical phraseology of our Ancestors) to see a republican Spirit yet found out upon us. Adieu—yours—yours—yours
Courier de l'Europe of 23 March 1779, an indication that it, and probably also that to JA, had been intercepted. See JA to Rush, 10 Sept. 1779 (below).
Of 8 Feb. (vol. 5:402–404).
On the soldiers' pensions, see James Lovell to JA, 16 May, and note 1 (vol. 6:124–125).
For the circumstances leading to the departure from the army of Generals Mifflin and Conway, see Rush to JA, 21 Oct. 1777, and note 8; and James Lovell to JA, 16 May 1778, and note 8 (vol. 5:316–319; (6:124–125). In the aftermath of the inconclusive Battle of Monmouth, Washington charged Lee with disobeying orders in failing to attack, retreating unnecessarily, and disrespect to the commander in chief. On 12 Aug., Lee was found guilty by court-martial and sentenced to be suspended from any command in the army for one year. The congress, which was required to confirm the verdict, began its discussion of Lee's case on 23 Oct. and approved the decision of the court-martial on 5 Dec. (John Richard Alden, General Charles Lee, Traitor or Patriot?, Baton Rouge, 1951, p. 212–258). For a much less sympathetic view of Lee's actions, see Ward, War of the Revolution
, 2:574–586.
This sentence was interlined for insertion here.