Papers of John Adams, volume 4
When I wrote you last1 I was at Plymouth sick, and Confined. I did not return to this place till three days ago. In my way Mrs. Warren and I lodged at Braintree, and had the pleasure of finding Mrs. Adams, and Family well. Here I find the world turned Topsy Turvy to such A degree that I can scarcely realize the present Appearances of things. The Enemies Army fled, and our own marching into Other Colonies. The last division of the British Fleet sailed on Wednesday last. I had a view of them without the Lighthouse from Pens Hill. About 60 or 70 sail they made a pretty appearance. What their destination is we are not Able to Ascertain. The general Opinion is that they are gone to Hallifax and some Circumstances seem to Confirm it, I presume before this you have had a full Account of their precipate Embarkation, their fright and their depredations &c. &c. Two or three Ships only with one of their Store Ships Ashore on Georges Island remain in the Harbour. 400 of our Men under the Command of Coll Tupper were to have gone last Evening on Petticks Island with some Artillery, to render their Station Uneasy, and perhaps destroy the Store Ship.2 I suppose the Storm may have prevented. What is to be the Next Movement of the British Fleet and Army I cant devise. There is no reasoning on their Conduct, and I must leave Abler heads than mine to Conjecture. The General proposes to leave only 4 or 5 Regiments here. This Number we think very small Considering that we have been first and principally marked for vengeance and destruction, and the possibility and even probability that the Attack may be renewed, as well as the necessity of fortifieing the Harbour of Boston but we must Submit.3 We have A Committee gone to view the Harbour of Boston and to report the best method of securing it. Whether that will be best done by Fortifications or by Obstructing the Channels or by both I cant say, but surely it ought to be done Effectually and speedily.
Who is to Command here I dont learn. General Ward perhaps if his Resignation (which I hear he has sent) dont prevent by being Accepted before a Subsequent Letter he is said to have wrote reaches you.4
Upon my Arrival here I Applyed to the General to know what he Expected from me as Paymaster on this occasion. His Answer was that he Expected I should go with the Army, but was Content if it was more Agreable to me that I should send some Body I could rely 96on. I could not see the Necessity of this as there must be and undoubtedly is A Paymaster at York, but he thought it regular the Paymaster General should be with the Commander in Chief. As my Interest and Connections here are such as would render it very disagreable, and scarcely honourable for me to leave this Colony, for the Emoluments of that Office, I desired him to Accept my Resignation, but as I was Appointed by Congress he declined it. I am therefore Obliged to Employ Mr. William Winthrop to Accompany the Army to York. I can Confide in him as well as any Young Gentleman, but I dont Incline to trust such A risque in any hands. I shall therefore Inclose to Congress, or rather to the president A Resignation, which you will please to see, seal and deliver.5 If I am not to be Continued here, how the Troops that are left are to be paid and supported without A Paymaster I dont know. If a Committee could be Appointed this way to Examine my Accounts I should be glad. If not I suppose I must send to Philadelphia.
The Council have Appointed Coll Foster, and Sullivan Judges of the Superiour Court, but some of the Council make difficulties about the last and I cant tell how it will Issue.6 We have nothing material before the Court.
I Congratulate you on the Success of our Arms in No. Carolina.7 We hear Nothing from Quebec. As the seat of War is changing you will of Course have shorter Letters in future. All kinds of Intelligence I am now to Expect from you. When shall we hear that we are Independent, Where are the Commissioners, What is become of our Fleet &c. &c. Remember you have not wrote me A long time. My Compliments to All Friends. Adeu says Your Sincere Friend &c.
Yesterday Fessenden Arrived. I thank you for a Letter by him.8 It gives me fresh Spirits. Thank Mr. Gerry for his last.9 I will write him as soon as I can. I am now much hurried as the Army is in such Motion. I trust and believe there will be Abundant reason for many Generations yet to Come to Bless my particular Friends. We are forming under the Auspices and Great Influence of —— A Fee Bill that will drive every Man of Interest and Ability out of Office. I dread the Consequences of the Leveling Spirit Encouraged, and drove to such Lengths as it is.10
As to more General Matters people are as they should be. The Harvest is Mature, I cant describe the Sighing after Independence. It is Universal. Nothing remains of that Prudence Moderation, or 97Timidity with which we have so long been plagued, and Embarrassd. every Species All are United in this question.
The Letter I mentioned above to your President, I have sent open to you not only that you might see it, but that you might do with it as you please. If you would Advise me yet to hold this place you will keep it in your own hands. I shall be perfectly satisfied with whatever you do with it, knowing that Friendship will direct your Conduct in this matter. I can hardly determine what to do myself, not haveing such Circumstances to Judge from as you have. I have forwarded your Letters &c to Mrs. Adams this day. No News since I wrote the A
Your Ships I believe fear will when done wait for Men. It will take time to Inlist them.
Warren to JA, 7 March (above).
Col. Benjamin Tupper, who had been active in harassing the British fleet as it prepared to depart (
Naval Docs. Amer. Rev.
, 4:434, 500, 611;
Adams Family Correspondence
, 1:379). The store ship was probably the Sukey, reported in the Boston Gazette of 1 April to be aground on Georges Island.
Washington made this proposal in a letter to the General Court on 21 March, but it did not believe the number of troops to be adequate and resolved on 25 March that the General be requested to leave behind six regiments. Washington did not change his mind; Col. Gridley was left with five regiments to secure the town and harbor of Boston (Washington, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 4:417, 522; Mass., House Jour.
, 1775–1776, 4th sess., p. 41–42). The General Court remained dissatisfied, and on 9 April the committee which had been appointed to prepare a plan for the fortification of the harbor reported that eight companies should be raised to form one regiment of approximately 720 men in order to provide adequate protection (
House Jour.
, p. 39–40, 99–101).
See Joseph Ward to JA, 23 March, note 1 (above).
Warren's resignation was received by the congress on 18 April and was accepted the following day (
JCC
, 4:291, 296). For Warren's letter, see PCC, No. 78, XXIII.
Both Jedediah Foster and James Sullivan (1744–1808) were appointed and served on the court (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, 11:397–398;
DAB
).
On 26 Feb. in the Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge a force of 1,100 whigs defeated 1,400 Highlanders called out by Gov. Martin. The loyalists suffered 50 casualties, had 850 taken prisoner, and lost a sizable amount of gold and equipment. A major effect of the battle was to move North Carolina away from reconciliation toward independence (Hugh T. Lefler and William S. Powell, Colonial North Carolina, N.Y., 1973, p. 277–280).
That of 21 March (above).
Conceivably that of 26 March, 98which asked Warren to try to persuade the General Court to declare itself for independence and send instructions to that effect to the Massachusetts delegates to the congress. The letter is printed in Austin, Gerry
, 1:171–175.
A new table of fees for justices, clerks of court, sheriffs, and other such officers, but omitting mention of superior court justices, was passed on 2 May (Mass., Province Laws
, 5:486–495). This revision of fee schedules downward had long been desired by those critical of court costs and responded to strong anti-lawyer sentiment in the province. The issue sharply divided reformers in the House from conservatives in the Council (Robert J. Taylor, Western Massachusetts in the Revolution, Providence, 1954, p. 31, 86; Stephen E. Patterson, Political Parties in Revolutionary Massachusetts, Madison, Wis., 1973, p. 136–139). The leveling spirit that Warren complained about also caused JA some anxiety, as is apparent from his reply to Warren of 16 April (below). Whose “Great Influence” was at work in this reform is conjectural. Since in his reply JA mentions Joseph Hawley as one with whom he disagrees on this reform, it may have been he.
Procs.
, 1st ser., 16 (1878):67–99.
Your Favour by 'the reputed Author of Common Sense'1 I have not yet answered, as I was not then, nor for some Time afterward, quite clear how Matters would be carried on. But now, I confess our Affairs begin to wear a very different Aspect, as you will perceive by the inclos'd Return to General Thomson.2 Indeed our Citizens seem determin'd to work out their Salvation not only on Earth, but in Earth; for they labour indefatigably, and that with Cheerfulness and Spirit, becoming Men who are determin'd to be free. Their greatest Foible is Credulity, the Source of which I need not mention to you Sir. I wish the Conductors of them had always been as hearty in the Cause as the People, this City would have 'ere now vied with the most forward in the Cause of Liberty, but alas! the last Congress was scarcely a Remove above our late infamous Assembly, and the Present was not sufficiently purg'd.3 T
There has been a Pamphlet written and publish'd here against our 99
natural Rights and 'Common Sense.' It has met with its Demerit. Some of our sturdy Sons seiz'd between 1500 and 2000 of them at Sam. Loudon's, and consign'd them to the Flames.5 This has given great Umbrage to several of our pretended Friends, but they are forc'd to pocket the Affront. It is in Contemplation to take the Sense of the Town on Independency, which if carried would put it out of Mr. Livingston's Power to embarrass you as much as he has.6 However, in the Mean Time I should be glad to have a Line from you on that Subject, anonymously, to prevent Consequences.
I have mention'd it to some of our most zealous Friends, as an Expedient to clear their Country of the just Reproach it now is under; of having been the most backward in the American Cause, of any Part of the Continent, and it seem'd to have the desir'd Effect, they are only afraid of not carrying their Point. However, as the Troops are daily arriving, I am in Hopes their Fears will dissipate. For, the Appearance of so many brave Men inspires them with more liberal and manly Sentiments, And depresses their Opponents in the same Proportion. If ever I have the Pleasure of seeing you, I am determin'd to tell you how some behave in these Times. It is scarcely believable! General Heath arriv'd Yesterday with about 2500, at least, so many came away from Cambridge with him, tho' they did not all arrive till today. They look very well considering the Fatigue &c. of marching, and being crouded in Boats from N. London here.
The General is a Person of a fine Presence, and exceedingly candid and open; appears to be much of the Gentleman indeed, and very assiduous. He interrogated me very strictly last Evening, on the State of our Affairs, which he did not seem to approve of altogether, there not being a sufficient Guard kept up, nor no alarm Posts.7 Indeed it has scarcely been possible to regulate any Thing yet, for want of standing Troops; the Militia and Minutemen going and coming in such a Manner as to prevent Order taking Place. Lord Stirling and General Thomson both, have given all the Encouragement and Assistance in their Power to the Service, but before either could become acquainted with every Department, he was superceeded. And that, I expect, will be the Case with General Heath.8 I should have told you that the Rifflemen arriv'd a few Days before Gen. Heath, but that you know 'ere this, I imagine.
I have a Letter dated the first Instant before Quebec, that says it is resolv'd to Storm it at all Events. If so, may Success attend them.
Do let me hear from you, in the Way I hinted, in a Post or two, if possible, as it is an Affair I have greatly at Heart. How is my friend 100Jay? Does his Faith increase? I believe he would do better, had he better Company from here.
If Disunion should take Place, which I hope it will not, there will be much to be done in an Instant, especially in this Quarter. I am determin'd to take my Chance in any single Colony that declares for Freedom, esteeming more glorious to die with the Brave, than murder my Time among Slaves. Of the same Opinion is that worthy Man, Mr. John Holt, and other select Friends.
With the greatest Regard and Respect, I have the Honour to be, Gentlemen,9 your most Obedient and very Humble Servant,
P.S. I felicitate you both on the Success of our Southern Arms.11 They seem as prosperous, as the Cause is just, almost.
NB. I inclose an Return for the President, with my best Regards.
JA's letter to Hughes has not been found. The meaning here is ambiguous, for the letter may have been so signed at a time when many attributed Common Sense to JA, or the letter may have been carried to New York by Paine, who did travel to that province on 19 Feb. (David Freeman Hawke, Paine, N.Y., 1974, p. 52; JA to Charles Lee, 19 Feb., above). It is not clear when JA learned for certain who the author of the pamphlet was.
DAB
;
JCC
, 4:181).
The Assembly, led by the DeLancey faction, gained notoriety by refusing to support the Continental Association and to name delegates, in early 1775, to the Second Continental Congress. The province was represented in it only because of the extralegal work of the Committee of Sixty, which after the Battle of Lexington and Concord formed a larger Committee of One Hundred and issued a call for the election of a provincial congress to sit in May 1775. When Gen. Lee arrived in New York in early 1776, however, he found that the provincial congress had ordered that British warships in the harbor be supplied with provisions and that certain loyalists be released whom the Continental Congress wanted confined (Merrill Jensen, The Founding of a Nation, N.Y., 1968, p. 532–533, 593–594, 656).
DAB
; Historical Memoirs of William Smith, 1778–1783, ed. William H. W. Sabine, repr., N.Y., 1971, p. xviii).
The Deceiver Unmasked; or, Loyalty and Interest United: In Answer to a Pamphlet Entitled Common Sense. By a Loyal American was written by DAB
; T. R. Adams, American Independence
, No. 219a). The printer was New York Packet in Jan. 1776, but who saw nothing inconsistent with his political beliefs in publishing a loyalist tract when, in New York at least, the question of independence was still open. The Sons destroyed copies of Inglis' work on 19 March (
DAB
). Later in 1011776 two editions of the pamphlet, slightly moderated in tone, were printed and sold in Philadelphia by James Humphreys Jr. (
American Independence
, No. 219b, c).
Probably DAB
). See JA to William Heath, 15 April (below), where JA refers to “P. L.”
Heath reported to Washington on conditions in New York on 31 March (MHi:William Heath Papers).
The command in New York went from Lee to Lord Stirling, to Thompson, to Heath, and thence to Israel Putnam, who was to be displaced when Washington arrived (Johnston, Campaign around New York and Brooklyn
, p. 58, 61).
Although the salutation is a simple “Sir,” Hughes may in his closing have been thinking of both the Adamses or of the Massachusetts delegation.
For Hugh Hughes, see The Intelligencer to JA, 16 Oct. 1775, note 1 (above).
See James Warren to JA, 30 March, note 7 (above).