Adams Family Correspondence, volume 11

John Adams to Abigail Adams, 13 April 1796 Adams, John Adams, Abigail
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dearest Friend Philadelphia April 13. 1796

I dined on Monday at the Presidents with young La Fayette and his Preceptor, Tutor or Friend, whatever they call him, whose Name is Frestel.1 I asked Them with Mr Lear to breakfast with me this Morning and they agreed to come: but last Evening Mr Lear came with a Message from The President, to ask my Opinion whether it would be adviseable for the young Gentleman, in the present Circumstances of his Father and Mother and whole Family and considering his own tender Years, to accept Invitations and mingle in Society?— Whether it would not too much interrupt his studies? The Youth and his Friend had proposed these Questions to the P. and asked his Advice, and expressed their own opinion that Retirement would be more adviseable and more desirable.

I Agreed in opinion with the P. and his Guests and as I had been the first who had invited them, at the P’s request agreed to excuse them from accepting my Invitation that they might have it to say as a general Apology that they had accepted none.

There is a Resemblance of Father & Mother in the young Man— He is said to be Studious and discreet. I hope he will live to become as respectable and a more fortunate Man than his father.

You must have known him at five or six Years of Age as well as his sister Anastasia who is now with her Parents.2

The Majority of The H. of R. appear to be resolute to do Nothing. In fact they have done nothing and Mr Giles boasts that he has a Majority of ten determined to do nothing, concerning the Treaty with England. For my own Part, I see nothing better than a Crisis working up, which is to determine whether the Constitution is to be brought to its End this Year, or last a few longer.

Not The Tavern at Cowes not the Tavern at Harwich or at Helvoet not the Taverns at Nantes L’orient and Breast nor the Calms, Storms and contrary Winds of a long Voyage at sea, nothing but a Journey through Spain from Ferrol to Fonterrabbia is more tedious than the Operations of our Government under this Constitution.

I have recd yours of April 1.— You must get labour as reasonably as 251 you can— But I almost wish We had let our Homestead upon shares as well as the others.— Another Year I will—if I dont stay at home to take Care of it.

My love to Brother Cranch— It is not his old Ashtma that afflicts him I hope. The Secretary of the Treasury had Letters Yesterday from Thomas only upon Business.3 I am / affectionately

J. A

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “April 13. 1796.”

1.

For Georges Washington Motier de Lafayette, see vol. 3:292. Lafayette and his tutor, Felix Frestel, arrived in the United States in 1795 and stayed for three years. They spent much of their time with George Washington in Philadelphia and at Mount Vernon (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale ; Hamilton, Papers, 20:107).

2.

For Anastasie Louise Pauline de Lafayette, see vol. 6:viii–ix and JQA, Diary , 1:225. Anastasie, her sister Virginie, and her mother Adrienne joined the Marquis de Lafayette in prison at Olmütz in 1795 and remained with him until his release in 1797 (Olivier Bernier, Lafayette: Hero of Two Worlds, N.Y., 1983, p. 255–257, 260).

3.

Possibly TBA’s 6 Jan. 1796 letter to Oliver Wolcott Jr. informing the treasury secretary that the Dutch bankers required TBA to furnish 270,000 florins to pay the interest on the U.S. loan. TBA included fifteen enclosures with the letter: copies of correspondence from 11 Nov. to 29 Dec. 1795 between TBA and Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and Nicolaas Hubbard, and from 4 to 29 Dec. between TBA and James Monroe (CtHi:Wolcott Papers, vol. 41).

John Adams to Abigail Adams, 16 April 1796 Adams, John Adams, Abigail
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dearest Friend Philadelphia April 16. 1796

The Doctor may have the Steers if he wishes to have them.

The People of the United States are about to be Stirred up in every quarter of the Union. The H. of R. are determined to go all Lengths. The Merchants of this City have had the most numerous Meeting that has been known for a long time and unanimously voted to Petition that The Faith The Honour and the Interest of the Nation may be preserved. They have appointed Committees to correspond with the Merchants in all the seaports.1 I expect that the Citizens will also be called together in the State House Yard and it is said that the Gentlemen will turn out: but the Event will be doubtfull.2 The State Parties will all be agitated and Party Spirit will be carried to the highest Pitch. It must be a national Determination, and if the nation solemnly determines upon War and Confusion they ought not to charge it to the Government. These critical Situations are familiar to me and I always feel calmest in the midst of them. A few Outlandish Men in the H. have taken the lead and Madison Giles and Baldwin are humble followers.

If the Voice of the Nation should be finally & decidedly in favour of the Treaty, there will be a mortified Party so bitter rancorous and 252 desperate, fomented by foreign Influence, in Opposition that the Government will be very much embarrassed, and the public service very uncomfortable.

When I take a Walk out of Town and see the young clover beautifully Starting I long to see my own— Pray how fares it?—

I have always thought it injudicious to make any Attempt against the Governor, knowing as I do the habitual Attachment to him, as well as the difficulty of uniting People in another. The Countenance he gives to a very profligate Party is very pernicious to the Public but he is stimulated to it in Part by the opposition to him, and he would not do less out of office. The Constitution of our Government is callculated to create, excite and Support perpetual Parties in the States, mixing & crossing alternately with Parties in the federal Govt.— It will be a perpetual Confusion of Parties.

I fear We do not deserve all the Blessings We have within our Reach and that our Country must be deformed with Divisions, Contests Dissentions and civil Wars as well as others.

As the People of Rome Scrambled for Power against their senate: as the People of Athens Scrambled for more Power than was reserved to them by the Laws of solon as the People of Carthage Scrambled for Power against their senate as the People of England Scrambled for Power against the K. & Lords and set up Oliver as the People of France Scrambled for Power against every Majority and set up Robespierre so the H. of R. of the U.S. will Scramble for Power against the P. & Senate. And the frequency of popular Elections will corrupt all before them. May God of his infinite Mercy grant that some Remedy may be found before it be too late in the good sense of this People.

Mr Cabot desires me “to present you his most profound Respects not daring to send by an Husband any more affectionate Regards”.—

I will venture to present you with my most affectionate Regards my earnest Wishes and longing desires to see you.

J. A.

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “April 16. 1796.”

1.

Philadelphia merchants met on 15 April and wrote a memorial to the House of Representatives “expressing their alarm at the delay of the necessary measures” for implementing the Jay Treaty. The merchants noted that “the faith, the honor and the interest of the nation, may be preserved by making the necessary provisions for carrying the treaty into fair and honorable effect.” The memorial, with more than 600 signatures, was presented in the House on 20 April (Philadelphia American Daily Advertiser, 16 April; Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 1114). For similar responses in other cities, especially Boston, see Descriptive List of Illustrations, No. 5, above.

2.

On 16 April “the citizens of Philadelphia” met and agreed to circulate a petition countering the memorial written by Philadelphia merchants the previous day, for which see 253 note 1, above. The citizens’ address, which garnered 1,500 signatures, stated that the treaty was “unequal in its stipulations, derogatory to our national character, injurious to our general interests,” and that it “must eventually lead to war.” The address was presented in the House on 20 April (Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 20 April; Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 1114).