Adams Family Correspondence, volume 7

468 Thomas Jefferson to Abigail Adams, 22 February 1787 Jefferson, Thomas AA Thomas Jefferson to Abigail Adams, 22 February 1787 Jefferson, Thomas Adams, Abigail
Thomas Jefferson to Abigail Adams
Dear Madam Paris Feb. 22. 1787

I am to acknolege the honor of your letter of Jan. 29. and of the papers you were so good as to send me they were the latest I had seen or have yet seen. They left off too in a critical moment; just at the point where the Malcontents make their submission on condition of pardon, and before the answer of government was known. I hope they pardoned them. The spirit of resistance to government is so valuable on certain occasions, that I wish it to be always kept alive. It will often be exercised when wrong, but better so than not to be exercised at all. I like a little rebellion now and then. It is like a storm in the Atmosphere. It is wonderful that no letter or paper tells us who is president of Congress,1 tho' there are letters in Paris to the beginning of January. I suppose I shall hear when I come back from my journey,2 which will be eight months after he will have been chosen. And yet they complain of us for not giving them intelligence. Our Notables assembled to-day, and I hope before the departure of mr Cairnes3 I shall have heard something of their proceedings worth communicating to mr Adams. The most remarkable effect of this convention as yet is the number of puns and bon mots it has generated.4 I think were they all collected it would make a more voluminous work than the Encyclopedie. This occasion, more than any thing I have seen, convinces me that this nation is incapable of any serious effort but under the word of command. The people at large view every object only as it may furnish puns and bons mots; and I pronounce that a good punster would disarm the whole nation were they ever so seriously disposed to revolt. Indeed, Madam, they are gone. When a measure so capable of doing good as the calling the Notables is treated with so much ridicule, we may conclude the nation desperete, and in charity pray that heaven may send them good kings.

The bridge at the place Louis XV. is begun. The hotel dieu is to be abandoned and new ones to be built. The old houses on the old bridges are in a course of demolition.5 This is all I know of Paris. We are about to lose the Count d'Aranda, who has desired and obtained his recall. Fernand Nunnez, before destined for London is to come here.6 The Abbe's Arnoux and Chalut are well. The Dutchess Danville somewhat recovered from the loss of her daughter.7 Mrs Barrett very homesick, and fancying herself otherwise sick. They will 469probably remove to Honfleur.8 This is all our news. I have only to add then that mr Cairnes has taken charge of 15. aunes of black lace for you at 9 livres the aune, purchased by Petit and therefore I hope better purchased than some things have been for you; and that I am with sincere esteem Dear Madam your affectionete humble sert

Th: Jefferson

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Jefferson Febry 22 1787.”

1.

The new Congress, scheduled to convene in Nov. 1786, did not obtain a quorum until 17 January. It elected Arthur St. Clair of Pennsylvania as its president on 2 Feb., and John Jay informed Jefferson of this on 9 Feb. ( JCC , 32:1, 11; Jefferson, Papers , 11:129).

2.

Jefferson left Paris on 28 Feb. for a tour of southern France and northern Italy, returning on 10 June, for which see his “Notes of a Tour into the Southern Parts of France, &c” (same, 11:415–464).

3.

Burrill Carnes, an American merchant at Lorient, carried letters to London for Jefferson in Feb. (same, 11:143, 188; vol. 6:200).

4.

The Assembly of Notables, proposed by Louis XVI's controller-general, Charles Alexandre de Calonne, opened on 22 Feb. after two postponements. Called to consult on France's financial crisis, and widely lampooned at its opening, it proved far more independent than expected and suggested various reforms. The assembly met until 25 May when Louis XVI dismissed them in the wake of their demand for a meeting of the full Estates-General to approve new taxes. Jefferson described the assembly to JA in a letter of 23 Feb. (Simon Schama, Citizens: A Chronicle of the French Revolution, N.Y., 1989, p. 227, 238–241, 259–260; Jefferson, Papers , 11:176–177). For an example of the satirical prints mocking the assembly that were prevalent in Paris in February, see Schama, Citizens, p. 241.

5.

Construction of the Pont de la Concorde, the bridge crossing the Seine from the Place Louis XV (later Place de la Concorde) and built in part with stones from the Bastille, began in 1787 and was completed in 1791. The plan to close the Hôtel Dieu, the oldest hospital in Paris, and build a new one on the outskirts of the city, never came to fruition under Louis XVI and was abandoned at the start of the Revolution. It was finally remodeled in the 1860s (Karl Baedeker, Paris and Its Environs, 19th edn., N.Y., 1924, p. 59, 62, 264; Howard C. Rice Jr., Thomas Jefferson's Paris, Princeton, N.J., 1976, p. 5–6, 25–26; Edward Planta, A New Picture of Paris; or, the Stranger's Guide to the French Metropolis, 10th edn., London, 1818, p. 264–265).

6.

Pedro Pablo de Abarca y Bolea, Conde de Aranda, was Spain's ambassador to France from 1773 to Sept. 1787. Carlos José Gutiérrez de los Rios y Rohan-Chabot, Conde de Fernán-Núñez, Spain's former ambassador to Portugal, replaced him in Dec. 1787 ( Repertorium , p. 430–431, 438).

7.

Elisabeth Louise (1740–1786), daughter of Marie Louise Nicole de La Rochefoucauld, widow of Jean Baptiste Frédéric de La Rochefoucauld de Roye, Duc d'Anville (JA, D&A , 4:42, 66–67; Dict. de la noblesse , 17:366).

8.

The former Boston resident Nathaniel Barrett and his wife Margaret Hunt Barrett did not move to the port city of Honfleur, France, nor was she merely “fancying” her illness. She died on 6 June in Paris, probably of consumption (Jefferson, Papers , 11:276, 476; Boston Independent Chronicle, 13 Sept.).

Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch, 25 February 1787 AA Cranch, Mary Smith Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch, 25 February 1787 Adams, Abigail Cranch, Mary Smith
Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch
My Dear Sister London Febry 25 1787

Captain Davis called yesterday to let me know that he should sail in the course of the week. Captain Barnard will not be long after him, and I almost wish I was going to embark with him. I think I 470should not feel more anxious if I was in the midst of all the disturbances, than I do at this Distance, where Imagination is left at full Liberty. When Law and justice is laid prostrait who or what is Secure? I received your Letters which came by captain Scot just as I was going to step into the carriage to go into the City upon some Buisness. As I was alone I took them with me to read, and when I came to that part of your Letter, where in you say, that you had hoped to have seen only Peace in future, after surmounting the Horrors of one war the Idea was too powerfull for me, and the Tears involluntary flowed. I was obliged to quit the Letter till I had finishd my Buisness. The thoughts which naturally occured to me, were for what have we been contending against the tyrranny of Britain, to become the Sacrifice of a lawless Banditti? Must our glory be thus shorn and our Laurels thus blasted? Is it a trifling matter to destroy a Government, will my countrymen justify the Maxim of tyrants, that Mankind are not made for freedom. I will however still hope that the Majority of our fellow citizens are too wise virtuous and enlightned to permit these outrages to gain ground and triumph. Solon the wise lawgiver of Athens, published a Manifesto for rendering infamous all persons, who in civil Seditions should remain Spectators of their Countrys danger by a criminal Neutrality.1 The Spirit shewn by the Gentleman vollunteers and the capture of Shattucks does honour to our State. More energy in Government would have prevented the evil from spreading so far as it has done.

“Mercy but gives Sedition time to rally every soft pliant talking busie Rogue Gathering a flock of hot braind Fools together can preach up new Rebellion Spread false reports of the Senate working up their Madness to a Fury quick and desp'rate till they run headlong in to civil discords And do our buisness with their own destruction.”2

This is a picture of the civil dissentions in Rome, and to our mortification we find that humane nature is the same in all ages. Neither the dread of Tyrants the fall of Empires, the Havock and dessolation of the Humane Species, nor the more gloomy picture of civil Discord, are sufficient to deter Mankind from persueing the Same Steps which have led others to ruin. Selfishness and spight avarice and ambition, pride and a levelling principal are qualities very unfavourable to the existance of civil Liberty. But whatever is to 471be the fate of our Country, we have determined to come home and share it with you. Congress have never given mr Adams a recall from Holland and he is vested (with mr Jefferson) with powers to form treaties with Several other Countrys. His commission to this Court will terminate this time twelve Months, and he has written to Congress his fixd and full determination to resign his commissions and return at that period, if not before.3 So that my dear sister I most joyfully accept your invitation and will come home God willing e'er an other Year expires. Dissagreeable as the Situation of my Native State appears, I shall quit Europe with more pleasure than I came to it, uncontaminated I hope with its Manners and vices. I have learnt to know the World, and its value. I have seen high Life, I have Witnessd the Luxery and pomp of State, the Power of riches and the influence of titles, and have beheld all Ranks bow before them, as the only shrine worthy of worship. Notwithstanding this, I feel that I can return to my little cottage and be happier than here, and if we have not wealth, we have what is better, Integrity.

Feb'ry 27 1787

I had written you thus far with an intention of sending by Davis, but received a card to day from captain Barnard that he will sail at the same time which is a fortnight sooner than I expected. I have concluded to send by him. Captain Callihan arrived at Cows in a very short passage of less than 30 days, and your Letter of Janry 10 and 12 came up by the post, one from uncle Smith and one from my eldest son.4 The rest are still on Board, nor do I know when we shall get them, as captain Callihan Stays I suppose to repair, having lost his Mast in a gale of wind. I was very happy to find that Folger had arrived safe as we were anxious for him, on account of the severe weather. I wrote you by captain Cushing, on Board of whom I got mr Elworthy to put a small present for you, but was much mortified a day or two after to find by a Boston paper that they were prohibited articles. I hope you will not meet with trouble on account of them. I cannot but approve the Spirit which dictated the measure.5 The causes which gave rise to it, must be deplored, for it is evidently a work of necessity rather than choice. The Luxery which had made Such rapid Strides amongst our countrymen was more criminal than that which is founded upon real wealth, for they have Roited upon the property which belonged to others. It is a very just observation, that those who have raised an Empire, have always been grave and Severe; they who have ruined it, have been uni-472formly distinguished for their dissapation. We shall wait with impatience for the result of General Lincolns expedition. Much depends upon his Success. Government seem affraid to use the power they have, and recommend and intreat where they ought to Command, which makes one apprehend that the evil lies deeper than the Heads or Hands of Shaise or Shattucks. From letter received here both from Boston and Newyork it is to be feared that Visionary Schemes, and ambitious projects are taking possession of Men of Property and Science. But before so important an Edifice as an Established Government is alterd or changed, its foundation should be examined by skilfull artists, and the Materials of which it is composed duly investigated.6

The defence of the American constitutions is a work which may perhaps contribute to this end and I most Sincerly wish it may do the good intended.

I lament with you the loss of a Worthy Man, for such indeed was the Friend of my dear Eliza. Our own duration is but a Span, then shall we meet those dear Friends and relatives who have gone before us and be engaged together in more elevated views, and purer pleasures and enjoyments than Mortality is capable of. Let this Idea Sooth the aflicted mind, and administer Balm to the wounded Heart; all things are under the Government of a supreeme all wise director, to him commit, the hour the day the year. I will write my dear Neice as soon as I get her Letter.

I fear if Barnard sails so soon I shall find myself tardy. I have been much engaged in assisting Mrs Smith. I wish for a sister as the time draws near. I shall find myself of little use. She seems to have good Spirits and knowing nothing fears nothing. Dr Jeffries is our family Physician, and is really an amiable benevolent Man tho formerly he took a different side in politicks.7

You inquire the price of Mode. It is of various prices the widest and best five shillings sterling. As to the fashion sattin cloaks of all coulours except Black are worn in winter in Spring black mode, in Summer Muslin and Gauzes linned with blew pink or white Sasnit sarcenet like one which was made by my Millinar and sent to Mrs Russel by Cushing, but I will endeavour to get a Pattern for you. What new fashions may be introduced by the admission of French Millinary during the summer, is past even the art of devination, but as that is a matter which my Country women will concern themselves very little with I hope, a Monthly magizine may serve their purpose instead of a daily volm which we may soon expect to See. 473Pray what has become of Mrs Hay I have never received a line from her since she left this Country? You did perfectly right in adding the two yds more for Gowns for the Miss Palmers. The moths I hope will not plunder what little Wollens I have particularly my Scarlet cloth and my carpet. As to what other things I have, I consider them as a usefull deposit for family service should I live to return. Amongst them I think I have a large parcel of threads which my Neices will repair to when they have occasion to make linen for their cousins. As to any thing else, I had rather have it purchased for the children than taken from thence. I wish you would be so good as to look into my draws and you will find a green Lutestring Gown and a brown ducape a pattern of each I wish you to send me, as they will never be of Service to me unless I can match them. I have sent by captain Barnard a peice of Linen for the children, it is addrest to mr Cranch. I did not know whether they wanted yet but thought it would do no harm as Moths will not eat that. Within the Linnen you will find the trimming for it, Smuglled a little but that you will be mush about. Dont even tell that wise and good Senator your Husband. Take enough of it for cousin William half a dozen pr of. I have also sent the other half dozen shirts for JQA, so that he will not want for these twelve Months. Mrs Payne shall not be forgotten.

My dear sister say not one word about being ungratefull in charging the Board of your Nephews. I am sure it is your Duty to do it and it would pain both mr Adams and me exceedingly if you did not. Dr Tufts will pay you quarterly and for their washing and Ironing. I know that there are a thousand cares for which you cannot be paid only by the gratefull acknowledment of your sister.

You have hinted to me Several times as tho our good uncle Tufts was looking him a wife. Pray is there any particular person you think of. Our Friend Mrs Quincy has been in my mind for one or the other of our uncles. So cousin William has at last found one sensible Girl. Tis a Shame that a solid young fellow, should be so little to the taste of the young Ladies. I am always glad to hear every thing pleasing of my Friends, and I begin now to feel as if I should See them again.

Mrs Smith sits by the table working as fast as her needle can fly and is so buisy that I do not think She will write a line by this opportunity.

Let mrs Feild know that Esther is well as usual, a weakly creature at best, requires as much care as a Young Turkey. John is not much better, never well, but an excellent Servint, honest and trust worthy.

474

Thus have I told you a domestick tale and my scond sheet warns me to close, but not untill I present my Love to Brother Cranch to my Nephew and Neices, to all my kin however wide, to my Neighbours and Friends, from their and your affectionate

A A

RC (MWA: Abigail Adams Corr.).

1.

Solon (ca. 7th–6th century b.c.), the “Lawgiver,” was a statesman, poet, and archon of Greece ca. 594–590 b.c. Plutarch's Lives cites a law of Solon that a person refusing to take sides during times of division would be disenfranchised (Ivan M. Linforth, Solon the Athenian, Berkeley, Calif., 1919, p. 3–4, 27; Plutarch, Life of Solon, XX, para. 1).

2.

Thomas Otway, The History and Fall of Caius Marius, London, 1680, Act III, lines 7–10, 70–73.

3.

JA made his intentions known to Congress in a letter to John Jay of 24 Jan. (PCC, No. 84, VI, f. 392–395).

4.

The letter from Isaac Smith Sr. to AA has not been found; the letter from JQA is that of 30 Dec. 1786, above.

5.

AA was sending porter and cheese, both of which had been prohibited under the new Massachusetts impost (AA to Thomas Jefferson, 29 Jan., above; Mary Smith Cranch to AA, 22 April, Adams Papers).

6.

By this time, the Adamses had received a number of letters from Boston and New York not only discussing the troubles in Massachusetts but also outlining the activities of the Annapolis Convention and consideration of a new federal convention in Philadelphia. See, for example, letters to JA from Rufus King, 2 Oct.; Benjamin Hichborn, 24 Oct.; and Samuel Osgood, 14 Nov. (2d letter) (all Adams Papers).

7.

Dr. John Jeffries (1744/5–1819), Harvard 1763, had studied medicine at Aberdeen but then returned to Boston to practice. He sided with the loyalists, however, and became a doctor in the British Army, first in Nova Scotia and later in Savannah and then New York. In 1780, he migrated to London, where he continued to practice medicine and also became interested in aeronautics, particularly balloons. He served as the Adamses' family physician throughout their time in England ( Sibley's Harvard Graduates , 15:419–427).